The Canada-US Manufacturing Productivity Gap: An Overview
Andrew Sharpe
Executive Director
Centre for the Study of Living Standards
Paper presented at the CSLS session on the Canada-U.S. Manufacturing
Productivity Gap at the annual meeting of the Canadian Economics Association,
May 29-31, 1998, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario.
There has been no narrowing of the gap in labour productivity levels in
manufacturing between Canada and the United States in recent years. Indeed,
just the opposite has occurred, with the gap increasing significantly.
According to recently released BLS figures, since 1981, output per hour
in manufacturing in the United States has increased, on average, 1.3 percentage
points per year faster than in Canada. This trend has obviously important
implications for Canada's cost competitiveness and the relative standard
of living.
This development in perplexing. For a number of reasons, one might have
expected Canada to have enjoyed faster manufacturing productivity growth
than the United States over the last decade, with a narrowing of the productivity
differential between the countries, as had been the case in the pre-1980s
period. These reasons include continued potential for technological catch-up
or convergence in Canadian productivity levels toward those in the United
States given the lower initial Canadian levels, and structural reforms
affecting manufacturing (e.g. replacement of the Manufacturing Sales Tax
by the GST, reduction in trade barriers through the FTA and NAFTA, deregulation,
etc.)
The Centre for the Study of Living Standards (CSLS) is organizing a
project to shed light on the causes of slower manufacturing productivity
growth in Canada and the rising Canada-U.S. manufacturing productivity
gap. 1 This purpose of this paper (and this session) is to launch the debate
by providing an overview of the issue and suggesting directions for research.
The paper is divided into two major parts. The first provides context
by reviewing trends in manufacturing productivity, The second part presents
a list of possible explanations of the situation, and briefly comments
on the relevance on the explanation. These explanations include slower
output growth in Canadian manufacturing, differences in the methodology
of measuring real output in manufacturing between U.S and Canadian statistical
agencies, a slower rate of innovation in Canadian manufacturing, a relative
deterioration in the quality of the Canadian workforce in manufacturing;
slower wage growth in Canada, leading to greater substitution of capital
for labour; and a slower pace of introduction of productivity-enhancing
human-resource practices and organizational changes in the 1990s.
An Overview of Manufacturing Productivity Trends
general trends in manufacturing
Since 1981, according to BLS data, U.S. output per hour in manufacturing
has advanced an average 1.3 percentage points faster in Canada than the
United States- 3.2 per cent versus 1.9 per cent (Table 1). According to
a recent estimate (de Graf, 1996), the level of output per hour in Canadian
manufacturing in the 1987 was 79.4 per cent of the U.S. level.
Chart 1
Relative Level of Output per Hour in Canadian
Manufacturing (U.S. = 100 in all years)
Combining this level and the relative productivity growth rates produces
a fall in Canada’s productivity relative for manufacturing from 87.4 per
cent in 1981 to 72.3 per cent in 1996, a precipitous decline (Table 2).
In both the 1980s and the 1990s, Canada’s output per hour growth in
manufacturing has lagged that in the U.S. In the peak-to-peak 1981-89 period,
output per hour increased at a 1.7 per cent rate in Canada versus 3.2 per
cent in the U.S. From the 1989 peak to 1996, (not a business cycle peak,
but the most recent year for which data are currently available), output
per hour in Canadian manufacturing advanced at a 2.0 per cent average annual
rate, compared to 3.1 per cent in the U.S.
The pace of output growth, and the relationship between output and productivity
growth changed markedly in Canada between the 1980s and the 1990s, more
so than in the U.S. In the 1980s, output growth advanced at a 2.7 per cent
average annual rate (not much below the 3.2 per cent registered in the
U.S.) and both productivity growth and labour input growth contributed
to output, with growth rates of 1.7 per cent and 1.0 per cent respectively.
But in the 1990s output has increased at only a 1.0 per cent average annual
rate (compared to 2.6 per cent in the U.S.), with all the gains coming
from productivity growth (2.0 per cent per year) and total hours falling
drastically at a 1.0 per cent annual rate.
The key development in the 1990s in Canadian manufacturing is not any
absolute deterioration of productivity growth (in fact output per hour
growth actually picked up 0.3 percentage points per year and output per
person employed 0.6 per cent), but the collapse of output growth. Since
U.S productivity growth continued to outpace that in Canada, the relative
deterioration of Canada’s manufacturing productivity performance vis-a-vis
the U.S. continued, although at a slightly lower pace (a differential of
1.1 points in output per hour growth compared to 1.5 per cent in the 1980s).
In March of 1998, following revisions by the Bureau of Economic Analysis
at the Department of Commerce of its real output measures, the BLS substantively
revised its manufacturing output series for the 1992-96 period. Instead
of a 12.7 increase in output between 1992 and 1996, output now rose 20.2
per cent, a 7.5 per cent upward revision. The growth rate for the 1989-96
period rose from an average annual rate of 2.2 per cent to 3.1 per cent.
It is important to note that without this revision, there would be minimal
differences in manufacturing productivity growth between Canada and the
U.S. in the 1990s.
In additional to labour productivity, Canada’s total factor productivity
performance in manufacturing was also markedly inferior to that in the
United States. The CSLS productivity database (www.csls.ca) shows that
total factor productivity in Canadian manufacturing rose at a 1.0 per cent
average annual rate from 1984 to 1995, compared to a 1.3 per cent increase
in the United States.
Slower productivity growth in Canadian manufacturing industries compared
to U.S. manufacturing is a generalized phenomenon. According to data compiled
by Statistics Canada (1996), over the 1985-92 period, all industries at
the two-digit SIC industry level (15 out of 15) experienced slower total
factor productivity growth in Canada (Table 3).
Canada’s manufacturing productivity performance in
perspective
It is important to put Canada’s manufacturing performance in perspective
by looking at its historical performance and by comparing it to that of
the aggregate economy and other sectors. Four observations are particularly
noteworthy.
First, the pace of productivity advance in manufacturing has been greater
than the economy-wide average. In the 1981-89 period, aggregate output
per worker grew at a 1.4 per cent average annual rate, compared to 1.9
per cent in manufacturing. In the 1990s, the differences widened, with
manufacturing productivity growth accelerating to 2.0 per cent per year
and aggregate economy productivity growth falling off significantly to
0.6 per cent, in part because of the negative productivity growth in certain
service industries (finance, insurance and real estate and community, business
and personal services (Table 4)
Second, despite the slight pick-up of manufacturing productivity growth
to 2.0 per cent in the 1990s, productivity growth in this sector still
remains less than one half the 4.5 per cent rate of increase enjoyed in
the 1960-73 period (Table 5).
Third, unlike manufacturing, many industries in Canada are not experiencing
significantly inferior productivity growth to comparable U.S. industries
(Table 4). Indeed, in the 1981-92 period, transportation and communications
experienced faster productivity growth in Canada, while the rate of change
for community, business and personal services was the same in both countries.
Fourth, since 1981, Canada has had by far the lowest growth in productivity
in manufacturing in the G-7. The output per hour increase of 1.9 per cent
per year was only 60 per cent of the G-7 average of 3.2 per cent (Table 5).
Canada’s performance was markedly inferior to that of all other G-7
countries, with the sixth place country, Germany experienced a rate of
advance 0.8 percentage pints higher.
Chart 2
Output Per Hour Growth in Manufacturing
in Industrial Countries (average annual rate of change)
Implications of lagging productivity for international
competitiveness
Over the 1981-96 period, the relative deterioration of Canada’s manufacturing
performance compared to the U.S. resulted in a deterioration in our competitiveness
in U.S. markets, as measured by unit labour cost trends, offset somewhat
by the depreciation of the value of the Canadian dollar (Table 6). As the
growth of nominal hour labour compensation in 1981-96 was remarkable similar
in Canada and the U.S. (4.3 per cent and 4.1 per cent respectively), the
1.3 percentage point slower productivity growth in Canada translated into
a comparable differential in domestic currency unit labour cost growth,
to Canada’s disadvantage. The 0.9 per cent average annual depreciation
in the value of the Canadian dollar between 1981 and 1996 offset much,
but not all of the greater increase in domestic currency unit labour costs
in Canada (2.4 per cent versus 0.9 per cent) so that in U.S. do llar terms,
unit labour costs increased 1.5 per cent per year in Canada, compared to
0.9 per cent in the U.S.
Possible Explanations of Lagging Manufacturing
Productivity Growth in Canada
This section of the paper reviews a number of possible explanations
for weaker manufacturing productivity growth in Canada relative to the
United States since 1981.
One point before proceeding is to note that since total economy labour
productivity growth in Canada has not significantly deteriorated relative
to the United States since 1981, factors affecting productivity in all
sectors may be less important in accounting for Canada’s laggard manufacturing
productivity performance than factors specific to manufacturing.
output measurement issues
Table 7 gives the shares of constant ($1992) output for two-digit manufacturing
industries in Canada and the United States in 1992 and 1996 and the percentage
change in output between these two years based on a crude concordance of
industry classifications. Between 1992 and 1996, the total output of the
manufacturing sector increased 24.5 per cent in the United States versus
19.5 per cent in Canada. But one industry, electrical and electronic products
accounted for 45.7 per cent of the increase in output in the United States,
versus only 10.0 per cent in Canada. Output in the electrical and electronic
products sector rose an amazing 120.5 per cent in the U.S. in the four-year
period (raising the sector’s output share from 7.9 per cent to 16.4 per
cent), compared to only 26.4 per cent in Canada.
Excluding this sector, manufacturing output only advanced 14.6 per cent
in the United States versus 19.0 per cent in Canada. This suggests that
much of the greater productivity gains in the United States in the 1990s
are due to this massive increase in the output of the electronic and electrical
equipment sector, commonly known as the high-tech sector. A key question
is whether this increase is real or rather represents a statistical artifact
associated with the price indices for high-technology output such as computers.
This question is part of the larger issue of whether Canadian and American
statistical agencies use different methods in the estimation of real value-added,
with obvious implications for the reliability of international productivity
comparisons.
The weak pace of output growth in Canadian manufacturing in the 1990s was
mentioned earlier. This situation could explain, at least in part, why
productivity growth was not faster given the many favourable structural
influences. Rapid demand and output growth boosts productivity through
economics of scale associated with long production runs and the spreading
of overhead costs, and by learning by doing. This relationship is known
as Verdoorn’s Law. Domestic demand growth was very weak in the 1990s, due
to tight monetary policy and the ensuing high interest rate in the early
part of the decade and fiscal retrenchment in response to the deterioration
of government finances in mid-decade. While foreign demand was strong,
it was insufficient to offset the weakness of domestic demand and bring
the economy back to potential output. Had manufacturing output growth in
the 1990s been at a rate comparable to that of the 1980s or at the pace
the U.S enjoyed in the 1990s, it is very likely the productivity growth
would have been higher.
As technical change is the driving force behind productivity growth, an
obvious explanation for slower manufacturing productivity growth in Canada
is a slower pace of technological change in Canada, due to less innovation.
Two pieces of information suggest that Canada does not have a growing innovation
gap with the United States, although there still may be a significant gap.
First, innovation surveys of Canadian and U.S. manufacturing have found
a decreasing gap in the use of advanced technologies between Canada and
the United States. Baldwin and Sabourin (1996) found that in 1989, 58 per
cent of establishments in Canada used at least one advanced technology,
compared to 74 per cent in the United States. By 1993, this 16 percentage
point gap had been cut in half to 8 per cent as now 73 per cent of establishments
in Canada used at least one advanced technology, compared to 81 per cent
in the United States.
It is interesting to note that this innovation gap is concentrated among
the medium and small-sized firms. In 1989, there was no innovation gap
for establishments employing 500 or more workers, and in 1993 little gap (Table 8).
Chart 3
Innovation in Canadian and U.S. Manufacturing (% of firms using at
least one technology)
Second, the relative gap in innovation effort between Canada and the
United States has declined in recent years. Canada has been making more
effort in terms of the share of GDP devoted to R&D, a crude indicator
of the intensity of a country’s innovation effort, while the United States
is making less in the last 15 years, although the absolute level of innovation
remains greater in the U.S. Canada’s share of GDP devoted to R&D increased
from 1.24 per cent in 1981 (and 1.05 per cent in 1976) to 1.59 per cent
in 1995, while the share in the U.S. fell from 2.91 per cent in 1986 to
2.45 per cent in 1995 (reduced military R&D accounts for some of his
decline).
It is often noted that Canada generates only a very small proportion
of the new technology it introduces, drawing on the rest of the world and
the U.S. in particular for its stock of innovations. A key mechanism for
the transfer of technology has been foreign direct investment in Canada
as foreign-owned firms have easy access to the best-practice technology
in their home country. Changing patterns of FDI in Canada in recent years
may have affected the transfer of technology, to the detriment of innovation
in Canada.
A key long-run determinant of productivity is the quality of the labour
force, in large part determined by the quantity and quality of investment
in human capital. Canada’s slower manufacturing productivity growth may
reflect slower growth in the quantity and quality of the workforce in Canada
relative to the United States.
There does not appear to be any evidence that Canada’s human capital
is markedly inferior to that of the United States, or that it has deteriorated
relative to the United States in recent years, as the following data illustrate
• full-time enrolment rates in post-secondary education in Canada
have overtaken those in the United States. By 1995, the enrolment rate
for Canadians aged 15 to 24 was 50 per cent compared to 46 per cent in
the United States;
• the International Adult Literacy Survey found that the literacy skills
of Canadian were comparable to those in the United States. This same survey
found that the proportion of Canadians participating in adult education
and training was also similar (38 per cent in Canada versus 40 per cent
in the United States in 1994/95); and
• according to statistics gathered by the OECD (OECD, 1997), in 1996,
government in Canada allocated 0.21 per cent of GDP to labour market training,
compared with only 0.04 per cent in the United States. However, private
sector training expenditure may be less in Canada than in the United States,
although lack of comparable data make this comparison difficult.
human resource practices and organizational change
Recent research suggests that innovative human resource practices and organization
changes can have a significant positive impact on productivity growth.
Canada’s lagging manufacturing productivity growth may reflect a relative
failure to have implemented these practices relative to the United States.
Again evidence is limited as there are few studies than conduct comparable
workplace surveys in the two countries that would allow one to assess this
hypothesis. Anecdotal evidence suggests that this is not a key factor in
explaining Canada’s slower manufacturing productivity growth.
Labour productivity is affected by the relative price of labour. High wage
levels or rates of growth of wages relative to other factors of production
provide an incentive for firms to substitute capital for labour, while
low wages or wage growth have the opposite effect. Slower manufacturing
productivity growth in Canada could reflect slower growth of real wages
or low wage levels relative to the United States.
BLS (1997) produces data on hourly wages for production workers in manufacturing,
expressed in U.S. dollars, for industrial countries (Table 9). In 1996,
hourly wages were 6.2 per cent higher in the United States compared to
Canada( $17.70 versus $16.66). a reversal of the situation of the early
1990s. In terms of growth rates of wages in domestic currency, Table 6
shows that both nominal and real hourly compensation growth was virtually
identical in the two countries over the 1981-96 period. This suggests differences
in wage growth have not contributed significantly to productivity growth
differences.
In addition to the factors outlined above, other possible explanations
of slower manufacturing productivity growth in Canada include:
- weaker capital investment and capital-labor growth in Canadian manufacturing;
- a less favourable regulatory environment for productivity growth in
Canada; and
- slower adjustment by Canadian manufacturing firms and workers to shocks
because of rigidities.
Conclusion
This paper has discussed in a very preliminary manner some of the possible
cause of slower labour productivity growth in Canadian manufacturing relative
to that in the United States since 1981. As noted earlier, the major recent
revision in the US manufacturing constant dollar output series has transformed
a situation of comparable manufacturing productivity growth in the two
countries in the 1990s to one of significantly faster growth in the United
States. The factors behind this revision need investigation to ensure that
comparisons of official productivity statistics are meaningful, particularly
for high-tech industries. The existence of lagging manufacturing productivity
in Canada in the 1990s relative to the United States does not appear particularly
robust, depending on statistical revisions in the U.S. real output series,
which could be further revised in the future, and the behaviour of output
in one sector, that is electrical and electronic products.
The second key factor that can account for slower relative productivity
growth in Canadian manufacturing in the 1990s (but less in the 1980s) is
the less favourable macroeconomic environment. With output only advancing
at a 1.0 per cent average annual rate since 1989, Canadian manufacturers
have less opportunity to exploit economies of scale and longer production
runs that U.S. manufacturers where demand was growing at a 2.6 per cent
rate.
Despite the above tentative conclusions, our understanding of Canada’s
deteriorating manufacturing productivity relative to the United States
is poor. It is hoped that the CSLS project on this topic will be able to
provide a definitive answer to this important question.
Foot Notes
1 The project will be coordinated by Andrew Sharpe,
CSLS Executive Director. It will follow the pattern of earlier CSLS
projects on sector councils, the Canada-U.S. unemployment rate gap,
and service sector productivity and the productivity paradox, and the
state of living standards and quality of life in Canada. This involves
the formation of a Research Advisory Committee composed of funders and
non-government and government representatives to oversee the project;
the distribution of a call for papers to interested researchers as well
a personal invitation to selected researchers to participate; the
organization of an invitational pre-conference for papergivers to present
their methodology and preliminary results; the organization of a major
conference for public presentation of the research findings; and the
publication of a refereed volume based on the conference papers.
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World Economic Forum
Table 1
Output, Output Per Hour, and Labour Input in Manufacturing in Canada
and the United States
(average annual rate of change)
Year |
real output
|
output per hour
|
total hours
|
employment
|
output per employed person
|
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S |
1981-89 |
2.7
|
3.2
|
1.7
|
3.2
|
1
|
0
|
0.8
|
-0.5
|
1.9
|
3.7
|
1989-96 |
1
|
2.6
|
2
|
3.1
|
-1
|
-0.5
|
-1.4
|
-0.7
|
2.5
|
3.3
|
1981-96 |
1.9
|
2.9
|
1.9
|
3.2
|
0.1
|
-0.2
|
0.2
|
-0.6
|
2.2
|
3.5
|
Source: International Comparisons of Manufacturing Productivity and
Unit Labour Costs, Updated Trends for 1996, News, Bureau of Labor Statistics,
U.S. Department of Labor, March 27, 1998.
Table 2
Relative Level of Output per Hour in Canadian Manufacturing
(U.S. = 100 in all years)
1981
|
87.4
|
1982
|
80.9
|
1983
|
83.1
|
1984
|
86.6
|
1985
|
85.9
|
1986
|
84.1
|
1987
|
79.4
|
1988
|
76.9
|
1989
|
77.8
|
1990
|
78.6
|
1991
|
78.6
|
1992
|
80.1
|
1993
|
79.8
|
1994
|
78.7
|
1995
|
74.8
|
1996
|
72.3
|
Source: Based on an estimate of 79.4 for the 1987 benchmark year by de
Jong (1996) and growth rates from International Comparisons of Manufacturing
Productivity and Unit Labour Costs, Updated Trends for 1996, News,
Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor, March 27, 1998.
Table 3
Total Factor Productivity in Manufacturing Industries in Canada
and the United States, 1985-92
(average annual rate of change)
|
Canada |
United States |
Total Manufacturing Industries |
-0.6 |
1.0 |
Food and beverage |
-0.5
|
0.4
|
Plastic and rubber |
-0.5
|
0.4
|
Leather |
-0.7
|
1.2
|
Textile |
-0.3
|
1.2
|
Clothing |
-0.2
|
1.0
|
Wood |
0.1
|
0.9
|
Furniture |
-1.4
|
-0.2
|
Paper |
-1.5
|
0.6
|
Printing |
-3.0
|
-1.4
|
Primary metals |
0.1
|
0.4
|
Machinery, electrical
and electronic products |
0.3
|
3.5
|
Transportation
Equipment |
-0.6
|
-0.2
|
Non-metallic
mineral prod. |
-1.3
|
0.8
|
Refined Petroleum |
0.0
|
0.5
|
Chemicals |
0.0
|
0.8
|
Source: Aggregate Productivity Measures, 1994 cat 15-204, Statistics Canada
Table 4
Output Per Hour Trends by Sector in Canada and the United States,
1981-92
(average annual rate of change)
|
Canada |
United States |
Manufacturing |
1.8
|
2.6
|
Transport |
1.8
|
0.8
|
Communication |
5.3
|
4.4
|
FIRE |
-1.0
|
0.5
|
Trade |
1.9
|
2.7
|
retail |
1.4
|
1.5
|
wholesale |
1.8
|
4.3
|
CBPS |
-0.5
|
-0.5
|
Source: Statistics Canada and Federal Reserve Board
Table 5
Output Per Hour Growth in Manufacturing in Industrial Countries
(average annual rate of change)
|
1960-73 |
1973-81 |
1981-89 |
1989-96 |
1981-96 |
Canada |
4.5
|
1.7
|
1.7
|
2
|
1.9
|
U.S. |
NA
|
NA
|
3.2
|
3.1
|
3.2
|
Japan |
10
|
4
|
3.9
|
3.6
|
3.7
|
France |
6.8
|
3.8
|
3.7
|
2.7
|
3.2
|
U.K |
4.2
|
1.3
|
5.3
|
3
|
4.2
|
Italy |
6.4
|
5.1
|
4
|
3.4
|
3.7
|
Germany |
5.8
|
3.2
|
2.3
|
3.1
|
2.7
|
G-7 average |
NA
|
NA
|
3.4
|
3
|
3.2
|
Belgium |
6.9
|
6.2
|
4.3
|
1.9
|
3.2
|
Denmark |
6.4
|
4
|
0.7
|
2.7*
|
1.4*
|
Netherlands |
7.3
|
4.9
|
3.9
|
3.4
|
3.7
|
Norway |
4.8
|
1.6
|
2.7
|
1.3
|
2
|
Sweden |
6.4
|
2.1
|
3.1
|
4.2
|
3.6
|
Source: International Comparisons of Manufacturing Productivity and Unit
Labor Cost Trends, Updated Data for 1996, Bureau of Labor Statistics, March
28, 1998
Note: NA indicates data are not available.* 1989-93
Table 6
Trends in Compensation, Unit Labour Costs in Manufacturing in Canada
and the United States
(average annual rate of change)
|
Nominal
hourly labour compensation |
Real
hourly labour comp. (CPI basis) |
|
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
1981-89 |
5.2
|
4.4
|
-0.1
|
0.5
|
1989-96 |
3.3
|
3.7
|
0.8
|
0.3
|
1981-96 |
4.3
|
4.1
|
0.3
|
0.4
|
.
|
Unit
Labour Cost (ULC) in domestic currency |
Exchange
Rate ULC in U.S. dollars |
|
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
Can. |
U.S. |
1981-89 |
3.4
|
1.2
|
0.2
|
3.6
|
1.2
|
1989-96 |
1.2
|
0.6
|
-2
|
-0.8
|
0.6
|
1981-96 |
2.4
|
0.9
|
-0.9
|
1.5
|
0.9
|
Source: International Comparisons of Manufacturing Productivity and Unit
Labor Cost Trends, Updated Data for 1996, Bureau of Labor Statistics, March
28, 1998.
Table 7
Manufacturing Output by Sector in Canada and the United States,
1992-96
|
Output Shares (1992$)
|
Percentage Change 1992-96
|
1992
|
1996
|
Total Manufacturing |
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
Can. |
U.S. |
Total Manufacturing |
100
|
100
|
100
|
100
|
19.5
|
24.5
|
Wood |
5.08
|
3.01
|
4.93
|
2.54
|
16
|
5
|
Furniture |
1.71
|
1.52
|
1.9
|
1.42
|
33
|
16.1
|
Primary Metals |
5.5
|
3.67
|
5.68
|
3.54
|
23.2
|
20
|
Fabricated Metal
Prod. |
6.68
|
6.59
|
6.92
|
7.1
|
23.9
|
34.1
|
Machinery |
3.95
|
10.21
|
5.16
|
14.06
|
56.2
|
71.4
|
Electric &
Electronic Prod. |
7.43
|
9.27
|
7.85
|
16.42
|
26.4
|
120.5
|
Transport Equip. |
14.24
|
10.28
|
16.25
|
9.11
|
36.4
|
10.3
|
Other Mfg. |
3.06
|
6.99
|
3.02
|
4.65
|
18
|
-17.1
|
Food & Beverage |
16.24
|
9.6
|
14.67
|
8.53
|
8
|
10.6
|
Tobacco |
1.02
|
1.73
|
0.85
|
1.81
|
-0.1
|
29.9
|
Textiles |
2.14
|
2.39
|
2.17
|
2.01
|
20.7
|
4.7
|
Clothing |
2.67
|
2.56
|
2.2
|
2.03
|
-1.6
|
-1.1
|
Paper |
6.01
|
4.31
|
5.74
|
3.57
|
14
|
3.3
|
Chemicals |
8.59
|
11.33
|
8.39
|
10.74
|
16.7
|
18
|
Petroleum Prod. |
1.01
|
2.65
|
0.97
|
2.55
|
14
|
19.9
|
Rubber and Plastics |
3.98
|
3.58
|
4.53
|
3.85
|
36.2
|
33.6
|
Leather |
0.41
|
0.45
|
0.29
|
0.36
|
-15.8
|
0
|
Non-metallic |
10.27
|
9.85
|
8.46
|
7.81
|
-1.6
|
-1.3
|
Source: Gross Domestic Product by Industry, cat 15-001, Statistics Canada,
October, 1997; Survey of Current Business, Bureau of Economic Analysis,
1998.
Table 8
Innovation in Canadian and U.S. Manufacturing
(% of firms using at least one technology)
Establishment
Size |
1989
|
1993
|
Canada |
U.S. |
Canada |
U.S. |
20-99 |
50
|
67
|
70
|
75
|
100-499 |
81
|
89
|
85
|
94
|
500 plus |
98
|
98
|
94
|
97
|
total |
58
|
74
|
73
|
81
|
Source: Baldwin and Sabourin (1996).
Table 9
Hourly Compensation in U.S. Dollars for Production Workers in Manufacturing
Year |
Canada
|
United States
|
1975
|
$5.96
|
$6.36
|
1980
|
8.67
|
9.87
|
1985
|
10.94
|
13.01
|
1990
|
15.84
|
14.91
|
1992
|
17.03
|
16.09
|
1993
|
16.44
|
16.51
|
1994
|
15.85
|
16.87
|
1995
|
16.04
|
17.19
|
1996
|
16.66
|
17.7
|
Source: International Comparisons of Hourly Compensation Costs for Production
Workers in Manufacturing Updated for 1996, Bureau of Labor Statistics,
February 9, 1998
|